The right of states to use force in self-defence occupies a central yet deeply contested place in contemporary international law. Enshrined in Article 51 of the UN Charter as an exception to the general prohibition on the use of force in Article 2(4), self-defence has traditionally been understood as a narrowly circumscribed right exercised in response to an armed attack attributable to another state. However, the rise of transnational armed groups and the security shocks of the post-9/11 era have placed unprecedented strain on this framework. This blog examines the scope of self-defence against non-state actors and situates the debate within broader theoretical disagreements between realism and institutionalism in international security studies.

What makes the conflict in eastern DRC different from the Israel–Hamas war? The key lies in how international law classifies armed conflicts. International and non-international conflicts follow different rules, shaping state responsibility and global responses. While Israel–Hamas can be read as an international conflict, the DRC–M23 remains non-international under the ICJ’s strict standards. These distinctions are far from technicalities: they define sovereignty, self-defence, and the role of the international community.

In 2020, the Trump administration broke new ground by sanctioning senior officials of the International Criminal Court (ICC), measures lifted under Biden but reimposed in 2025 after arrest warrants against Israeli leaders. Unlike ordinary sanctions between states, these directly targeted an international organisation and its officials, raising unprecedented legal questions. This blog unpacks why such measures lack a legal basis, how they endanger judicial independence, and what they mean for the future of international justice.

Tensions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have reached a breaking point. President Félix Tshisekedi’s warning above came amid the rapid rise of the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), a politico-military coalition formed in December 2023 and closely aligned with the M23 rebel group, active in eastern DRC since 2012. Their recent offensives have led to the capture of several strategic cities, including Goma and Bukavu, by early 2025.

It all begins with an idea.The ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) reached a critical juncture when the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) unanimously adopted Resolution 2773 on February 21, 2025—a landmark decision that directly condemned Rwanda’s support for the M23 rebel group.